"I wanted to buy a flat in Bombay and it wasn't given to me because I was a Muslim and I read the same about Saif (Ali Khan). Now, I mean, if Javed Akhtar and Shabana Azmi cannot get a flat in Bombay because they are Muslims, then what are we talking about?" - 17 Aug 2008, 0037 hrs IST, TNN

Shabana, you should be ashamed of yourself for making such a bigoted statement. Are you planning to join Hurriyat Conference in Kashmir? Only traitors like them could make such an outlandish statement. Whom are you trying to sell this trash to? From Mahboob Khan and K Asif to Shahrukh Khan, you are the first Muslim celebrity in Bombay to have accused the city of such discrimination. A couple of years back, Shabana Azmi had a conversation with Charlie Rose (an American talk-show host) in which she counted the virtues of Indian democracy. You may watch the video below, half-way (at 35.20 minutes) onwards. What happened in the meantime that a virtuous democracy suddenly became a discriminatory society? Or, is it that Shabana is basically a hypocrite? You judge her for yourself.

I Zeichen setzen

"Schnell nochmal Burma/Birma /Myanmar in den Focus der Presse rücken, und Zeichen setzen" schien die gestrige Parole des amerikanischen Präsidenten auf seiner Asien- Rundreise gewesen zu sein.                                                       "Noch einmal Flagge zeigen, bevor es zu spät ist, und der Focus verrutscht. "

--

Than Shwe antwortet auf diese Zeichen, und stellt klar: An der klaren Linie seiner Politik lässt sich nicht rütteln. Auch wenn der olympische Gedanke über den Globus getragen wird, und  gerade weil sein Land  am nächsten Tag einen Gedenktag hat: 20 Jahre Studentenunruhen.                                                         So liegen an nur einem Tag in dieser unseren globalisierten Welt Solidaritätsbekundung  und Abschreckung nah beieinander.

II Solidarität

a) Worte im Trocknen

So traf sich George Bush mit burmesischen Dissidenten in Bangkok/Thailand. Nett, dass er dafür Zeit hatte, liest sich das Programm seiner Asienrundreise doch sehr dichtgedrängt.(White House)

In Gesprächen und einer anschliessenden flammenden Rede sicherte er den Freiheitskämpfern zu,

"mit China über die Probleme in Burma zu sprechen", denn die USA,wolle sich  für  "ein Ende der «Tyrannei» in Burma einsetzen." Er rief das Regime auf, die seit Jahren unter Hausarrest stehende Friedensnobelpreisträgerin Aung San Suu Kyi und alle anderen politischen Häftlinge freizulassen."(Aargauer Regionalportal)

Bush träfe am Wochenende, ebenfalls zu Gesprächen politischer Natur mit Präsident Hu Jintao, Ministerpräsident Wen Jiabao und Vizepräsident Xi Jinping zusammen.

Ein Mann, ein Gespräch, ein Versprechen:                                                               "We seek an end to tyranny in Burma,"(World News, Australien)

b) as close as...

Indes zeigt sich die First Lady praktischer veranlagt- und wird durch den Regen an der thailändisch-burmesischen Grenze nass.                                                  The "outspoken critic of the junta" (BBC)  besuchte das mit 35 000 Karen-Flüchtlingen besetzte Flüchtlingslager Mae-La an der  thailändisch-burmesischen Grenze.                                                                                              " So nah an Burma dran war sie noch nie" schreibt die Washinton Post ,  nicht ohne Stolz im Reporterstift, und Begleit-Video auf der Webside, und berichtet über ihren Besuch wie folgt:

"There Laura Bush carried out some first-lady-like activities, sitting in on English and math lessons for students in the Mae La refugee camp..."

USA Today ergänzt:

"Student Saw Aung Nay Lin shyly approached the chalkboard and wrote, a bit ungrammatically: "My life in refugee is better than Burma but I don't have opportunity to go outside my camp."

Danach besuchte sie das Krankenhaus des Camps unter der ärztlichen Leitung von  Cynthia Maung, "                                                                                  described by many as the Mother Teresa of Burma, and learned how doctors there treat thousands of poor Burmese for cataracts, missing legs and other problems." Der Besuch sei Teil einer Kampagne des Weissen Hauses, um den Druck Amerikas auf die Militärregierung zu demonstrieren.

Befragt nach der Situation in Burma, 20 Jahre nach den Studentenunruhen  sagte sie:                                                                                                                           "Twenty years have gone by -- everything is still the same or maybe worse in Burma," she said. "We know that Burma is a very rich country, rich in natural resources. And the junta uses those resources to prop themselves up for their own benefit, not for the benefit of the people of Burma."

Auf die Frage, warum sie und ihr Mann dennoch zur Eröffnung der olympischen Spiele in ein Land fahren, das international als der grösste Unterstützer und der burmesischen Regierung gelte, antwortete sie:

"As you know, the Chinese depend on a lot of energy imports into China. . . . We urge the Chinese to do what other countries have done -- to sanction, to put a financial squeeze on the Burmese generals....The best solution would be if General Than Shwe's regime would start real dialogue," (BBC,Washington Post)

Sprach´s und reiste wieder ab- der Flieger nach Peking wartete.

III  Abschreckung als  Dialogbereitschaft

Derselbe Tag in Burma. Angesichts des bevorstehenden Gedenktages "20 Jahre Studentenunruhen im Land" ist für die burmesische Führung Anlass genug gegeben, zu zeigen was von einer "Dialogbereitschaft" wie von Laura Bush gefordert, gehalten wird- nichts.                                                                         Abschreckung ist besser.

Unruhen hatte das Militär erwartet, und bereitete sich zeitig vor. Der britische Telegraph schreibt bereits am 03.08.:

"Thousands of heavily-armed Burmese security forces have been moved to the outskirts of Rangoon days before the twentieth anniversary of an uprising which came close to bringing down the military regime." Ein westlicher Diplomat beschrieb  die Lage auf den burmesischen Strassen so:

"They are keeping large numbers of security personnel inside the city, out of sight. If they see a single protester in the street he will be picked up in minutes."

Als diese Absicherung organisiert war, verkündete die Militärführung,              "Prime Minister Thein Sein will attend the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games in China." (Radio Australia)
Zuerst die Arbeit, dann das Vergnügen.

Ein öffentliches Vorzeige-Opfer, das am Pranger der Militär-Justitia steht, gibt es dann pünktlich am Vorabend des Gedenktages.

IV Maung Thura,  genannt Zarganar

Denn an diesem Tag wurde dem regimekritischen Künstler Zarganar(übersetzt: die Pinzette), seit 1986 kritischer Beobachter und extremer Kritiker der Regierung,  der Prozess gemacht. Just an diesem Vorabend des Gedenktages. Verhaftet zu werden war für das Ehrenmitglied des P.E.N. (BNU berichtete)und praktizierenden Kämpfer für die  nichts Neues, doch hatte  er in  Vergangenheit immer mehr oder weniger "Glück gehabt", die Strafen gemildert, und so wieder frei gelassen.

Jetzt statuierte die Regierung ein Exempel, und erreichte Abschreckung im Volk.Dazu die Times:

"The repressive and secretive junta released no details of the trial of Maung Thura, which took place in a closed court, deep inside the country's most notorious prison.                                                                                                    His sister-in-law, Ma Hdway, said that the comedian, film director and activist, better known as Zarganar, was charged with five crimes, including unlawful association and creating public unrest."

Was war geschehen? Nachdem der Zyklon Nargis Anfang Mai in Burma wütete organisierte der unumstritten  beliebteste Comedian und Schauspieler des Landes ein Hilfsnetzwerk für die  Zyklon-Opfer im Irrawaddy Delta auf. Mit Hilfe von Spendensammlungen sollten die dort lebenden Opfer zumindest das Nötigste zum Überleben erhalten: Essen, Trinken, Decken und Moskitonetze. Unterstützt wird er von 400 Freiwilligen. Hilfslieferungen wurden ins Delta gebracht, und überdies auch Filme über den Zustand der Region gedreht- und per Email und DVD verbreitet.                                                                                                   "These gave the lie to the Government’s claim that the disaster was under control and added to anger at its refusal to allow foreign emergency workers into the delta.", (Times).                                                                                                    Die Militärs fühlten sich bedroht. Doch Zargana ging weiter und gab der Zeitung The Irrawaddy am 02.Juni ein ein Interview über die Arbeit im Delta(unbedingt lesenswert !!)                                                                                                       Daraufhin durchsuchten Soldaten des Militärs sein Haus, Hilfsgelder in Höhe von 1000 $ wurden beschlagnahmt, der burmesische "Charlie Chaplin" festgenommen. (BBC) Doch wieder freigelassen. Und er fuhr wieder ins Delta, um  dort zu filmen. Wieder werden die Filme verbreitet. Als er zurückkehrt wird er verhaftet.

His films included                                                                                                  "scenes in some of remote villages stricken by the storm — heartbreaking, stomach-turning images of rotting bodies, desperate people and government neglect."(Times)                                                                                                       Eine erneute Verhaftung erfolgte, als er aus dem Delta zurückkehrt. Gestern der Prozess. Ein Schauprozess an geheimen Ort?

"This time, it seems, his luck has run out. It could be years, even decades, before the junta decides to free him."

Am gleichen Tag, wie bereits erwähnt,  in Bangkok. Präsident Bush, seine Rede vor den Dissidenten.

"Er rief das Regime auf, die seit Jahren unter Hausarrest stehende Friedensnobelpreisträgerin Aung San Suu Kyi und alle anderen politischen Häftlinge freizulassen."(Aargauer Regionalportal)

Sprach´s, und flog nach Peking. Olympia wartet, diesmal mit dem Leitmotiv: "One world, one dream"

VII zum Schluß

Zum Schluß- Zeilen aus Zangarnar´s Feder- ein burmesischer Witz,  mit bitterem Geschmäckle. Voilà.

George Bush, Hu Jintao (Präsident der VR China) und der burmesische Militärdiktator gingen zusammen zu Gott.
George Bush fragte Gott: "Wann wird die USA die mächtigste Nation der Welt werden?"
Und Gott antwortete:"Während Deines Lebens nicht mehr !"                         George Bush begann bitterlich zu weinen.

Darauf fragte Mr. Hu, wann China das reicheste Land der Welt werden würde.   Und Gott gab ihm die gleiche Antwort.Ebenso wie Bush begann Hu Jintao an zu weinen.
Zum Schluß fragte ,  Than Shwe, selbsternannter "Vater der burmesischen Nation" Gott, wann Burma endlich wieder genügend Wasser und Elektrizität für sein Volk haben würde.

Diesmal war es Gott, der in Tränen ausbrach:                                                          "In meinem Leben nicht mehr."

(orginal text at Everyone needs therapy)

In diesem Sinne: Free Zarganar!!

By Jeremy Pelofsky

MAE SOT, Thailand (Reuters) - U.S. First Lady Laura Bush tried to boost pressure on the Myanmar government to accept democratic reforms when she visited a large refugee camp in Thailand just a few miles from the border on Thursday.

The Mae La camp, 10 km (6 miles) from the Myanmar border, opened almost 25 years ago and is filled with 39,000 refugees who are waiting to return home or be resettled elsewhere.

Her visit came a day before the 20th anniversary of the August 8, 1988 uprising in Myanmar, when the army killed about 3,000 people in the military junta's brutal suppression of protests.

 
U.S. first lady Laura Bush joins a class room with Karen refugees during her visit to Mae La refugee camp in Thailand's Mae Sot town near the Thai-Myanmar border Thursday, Aug. 7, 2008. The first lady met with refugees who fled a brutal campaign by Myanmar's military junta, urged China and other countries to join the United States in imposing sanctions against the country. The camp houses thousands of refugees from Myanmar.(AP Photo/Apichart Weerawong)

"Twenty years have gone by, everything is still the same or maybe worse in Burma," Bush told reporters after a two-hour tour.

"We know Burma is a very rich country, rich with natural resources and the junta uses those resources to prop themselves up for their own benefit, not for the benefit of the people of Burma," she said after the tour with her daughter, Barbara.

Having ruled the former Burma for more than four decades, Myanmar's military junta has refused to accept losing a 1990 election and has cracked down numerous times on pro-democracy demonstrators, killing thousands.

Bush also visited a clinic 4 km from the border where refugees are treated and prosthetic limbs are fitted for those injured by land mines as they tried to escape Myanmar.

The United States has pushed for democratic reforms and offered millions of dollars in aid after Cyclone Nargis left 138,000 dead or missing. The junta has largely shunned international aid and strictly limited aid workers' efforts.

REFUGEES PREFER TO GO HOME

Bush said it was unclear if U.S. policy was succeeding in isolating the junta because so many refugees were being resettled elsewhere, but efforts to crimp leader Than Shwe were working.

"There are a number of sanctions aimed directly at Than Shwe and his cohorts in the military ... we do think some of those are being effective, that they're being squeezed out," she said.

Most refugees in the camp Bush visited live in open-air huts with leaves for roofs and lack electricity and running water. One camp leader said they would like to go home to Myanmar.

"Repatriation with dignity and safety is not possible right now," Mahn Htun Htun told Bush.

Htun said a major concern among leaders at the camp is that roughly 13,000 new arrivals have not been registered and that there is not enough food.

Bush and U.S. officials said they could not confirm that number, noting a census of the camp had not been done in years.

Until three years ago, U.S. law made it difficult for the so-called Karen refugees from Myanmar to enter the United States but that has since been changed, a U.S. official said.

Read the rest:
http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20080807/pl_nm/usa_myanmar_refugees_dc_2

Above: Cyclone Nargis hit Myanmar on May 2, 2008....
Though he is one month late in getting his rice crop planted because he has been repairing storm damage, Ko Nyi Thaut, 53 will plant his rice this week.

This will be the first planting since May and, with luck, will yield the only rice this summer.

He has only managed to get about two-thirds of the land ready so his crop will be less than usual.
.
“If the weather is good and we are lucky, I think we could get about two-thirds of what we had before,” he said.

“It would not have been enough for my family if we still had 11 people. But the cyclone killed six of my children, so maybe we will have enough rice for the family now.”

The government, a repressive military junta, turned away much of the international aid sent to assist the refugees.  Aid workers believe the government didn’t welcome their outsiders eyes and ability to freely tell the truth.

Now aid workers are saying the government is not helping its people much at all.

It is essential for farmers to get their crop planted.

The May 2-3 cyclone left destruction in its path,  killing 84,537 and leaving 53,836 missing and presumed dead, according to an official count.....

Above: In Myanmar, Ko Nyi Thaut         

In today's Washington Post, John Holmes, the U.N. undersecretary general for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator, gives some of his valuable prespective: 

Three months have passed since Cyclone Nargis and an accompanying tidal surge swept across Myanmar's fertile Irrawaddy Delta region, claiming nearly 140,000 lives and devastating the livelihoods of many more people. All told, some 2.4 million people were seriously affected by Nargis, ranking it among the worst cyclones in Asia in the past 15 years and the worst in Myanmar's history.

I recently completed my second trip to Myanmar, where I was again sobered by the immensity of the tragedy but was also cautiously hopeful about relief efforts. In May, government reluctance to allow international aid workers into the affected region sparked a storm of international criticism.

We have made a lot of progress since then. Touring the delta by helicopter, I could see that many houses had been repaired one way or another. There was agricultural activity in the fields and commercial activity on the waterways. Schools are in session, in tents if not permanent classrooms. And hundreds of international aid staffers are now working in the delta. The promises about access made to U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon when he saw Myanmar's head of state, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, in late May have essentially been kept.

Without question, the international response has helped save lives and reduce suffering. While it is impossible to be sure all survivors have been reached, I am confident that the overwhelming majority have received help, even if many still need a good deal more.
Crucially, a much-feared second wave of deaths from starvation or disease has not happened -- no small achievement, given that 75 percent of hospitals and clinics in the affected areas were destroyed. The people's resilience has been remarkable, as was the degree of help and solidarity from individual citizens and organizations in Myanmar.

Challenges remain, of course, including over issues such as aid exchange rates, and it would be unwise to gloss over them. But the main priority now is to help remote communities further and to ensure that assistance is continued systematically until all concerned can feed themselves and rebuild their lives.

So, what can we learn from this crisis?

First, no nation, rich or poor, can go it alone when confronted by a natural disaster of the magnitude of a Cyclone Nargis. It would have been much better, not least for the survivors, if the government of Myanmar had recognized the value of an international presence from the start. I encourage Myanmar's leaders to continue down the path of cooperation, including in response to other humanitarian challenges, based on the universal principle of the impartial provision of aid.

Second, we must stay focused on the goal: assisting people in crisis. From the first, the aid operation in Myanmar -- as is true everywhere we work -- had to be about helping vulnerable people in need, not about politics. In this post-Iraq age, I am concerned that humanitarians are often pressured to choose between the hammer of forced intervention and the anvil of perceived inaction. Was there a realistic alternative to the approach of persistent negotiation and dialogue that we pursued? I do not believe so. Nor have I met anyone engaged in the operations who believes that a different approach would have brought more aid to more people more quickly.

This is not to say that there can never be a role for humanitarian intervention, even in natural disasters. But it must be the last resort, when all else has been tried and the only alternative is death and suffering on a mass scale.

Third, Nargis showed us a new model of humanitarian partnership, adding the special position and capabilities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to those of the United Nations in working effectively with the government. This may prove the most important -- and, I hope, enduring -- lesson of the cyclone response, with implications for how we respond, anywhere, in the future.

ASEAN's leadership was vital in building trust with the government and saving lives. In recent years, ASEAN members have significantly stepped up participation in the humanitarian arena. Given that eight of the 10 worst natural disasters last year occurred in Asia, this represents a lifesaving investment, where the United Nations is helping to build local capacity.

Fourth, Nargis demonstrated once again the importance of disaster risk reduction and preparedness. Simple, low-cost measures -- local evacuation plans, shelters, community early-warning systems -- have saved tens of thousands of lives in neighboring Bangladesh when it has been faced with similarly devastating cyclones. We need to help the people of Myanmar strengthen their resilience and reduce their vulnerability. Building back better, to minimize future disaster risks, is a top priority.

In coming years we can expect to see more, and more intense, weather-related natural disasters as the effects of climate change become more pronounced. We must be better prepared and must cooperate as neighbors and an international community in meeting this challenge. The need for effective global humanitarian partnerships has never been more apparent -- or more necessary.

********

Myanmar's natural disaster was a tragedy.  The government of Myanmar's response was criminal.....

This article looks particularly at one of the song sequences “villagers don’t abandon the land of your birth, mother earth calls out to you with imploring hands” showing a complex cyclical experience of a village surviving on the brink of famine and floods and appears half way through the film. .

At its best, the song sequence is an integral part of the narrative and mise-en-scene of popular Indian film not merely a musical interruption of action.

 “The songs in the India film are not mere musical interludes in an otherwise pedestrian film – at least not some of the best films. They are integral to telling the story in a fantastical and enchanting way. The songs express the inner world of a character – his or her identity, longings, dreams and dilemmas. Song Pictorisation* is the high point of Indian film and every film enthusiast has a galaxy of memories, an amalgam of image and song indelibly stained in their mind and hearts…”  E. Johnson; Musical Movies Artrage No.19

The ‘conventional’ western view of Indian cinema can be seen in John Russell Taylor’s article on Satyajit Ray, “Ray is a great director (it is a prerogative of all great artists, to take us constantly by surprise – Ray is still a solitary figure, a unique talent in Indian Cinema… Background was highly literate and artistically sophisticated”. J R Taylor on Ray – Cinema a critical dictionary.

Although Taylor’s view of Indian cinema is considered to be outdated, critically, not may commercial Hindi films have been appreciated by non-South Asian audiences, despite the huge success of Hindi films at the box office in the UK.

Mehboob’s Mother India was a ground breaking film and can be seen as a departure from subjects being dealt within the Bombay film industry at the time. The film explored the relationship between farmers and their landlords. The storyline is very simple: an ordinary village life exploring the complexity and simplicity of such a life along with the communal pain and joy shared by all. The only outsider is the moneylender.

Mother India was shown in countries such as Spain, Greece, Egypt, and the Soviet Union and was extremely popular. In Spain, the film has been reported to run in the theatre for months: “This international dimension is revealing in terms of shared experiences of many societies in transition from peasant culture with their oral-folk tradition to industrial city based state and the anonymity of urban life. In Spain for example Mother India did good business in Andalusia where the power of the landlords over illiterate day labourers is similar to that portrayed in Mehboob’s masterpiece.” E. Johnson Artrage No.19

The story of Mother India is of Radha, the central character played by Nargis. She marries at a young age and is a peasant from a peasant community which is in constant debt and depends largely on the land. Her husband, played by Raj Kumar loses both arms in a farming accident and leaves the family in shame as he can no longer provide for them. Mehboob cleverly tackles the element of masculinity of man as head and provider for the family by showing the woman, Radha, who has to bear the shame and tries to sustain the dignity of the family as a whole. She is constantly in debt to the moneylender and faces a lifetime of hardship and struggle against poverty.

The film itself is a flashback. In the opening sequence we see Radha as an old woman who is requested to open the irrigation ditch. We see a close-up of her aged and wrinkled face which is followed by a dissolve of her memories of her wedding day. In the sequence at the end of the film, we see Radha, as we go back to the opening shot of the film, Radha as an old woman/the mother of the village, lifting the barrier to the water through. As the water rushes out, it turns into blood that has been shed in her past and flows out to water the fields.

In the song “villagers don’t abandon the land of your birth, mother earth calls out to you with imploring hands”, the sequence expresses the central themes of the film:

1. The earth as the “mother” of its people – Radha’s appeal to the villagers not to abandon the flooded land. The village is seen as the foundation stone of Indian society at the climax of the sequence where the villagers form a map of India with the harvested millet and at its heart is a direct reference to the Congress party’s slogan of the period “the village is India”.

2. Radha in turn becomes the mother of the village and by extension a symbol of rural virtues – not just rural virtues but feminine virtues where women can be relied upon to sustain the family; the community and by extension the whole of society. Radha is the woman who struggles against all odds to keep the family together, enduring hardship and suffering while resisting the importuning of the moneylender. Radha herself pulls the plough when there is no Ox.

3. The internal time-scheme of the song sequence is very complex: dissolves are used to superimpose continuity in a sequence which shifts between the past and an idealised view of the past/present/future. One dissolve contains a transition from Radha pulling the plough guider helped by her infant sons to the roles reveres and we see Radha who guides the plough while her fully grown sons pull it. They are now able to support her and the point is made visually clear as they lift her up and carry her on their shoulders.

4. The recurring shots of a wheel suggests the cycle of the season, from the sowing of the seeds to reaping the harvest and the cycle of human life from childhood to old age. Dissolves are used to depict the progress in time, past and present as opposed to a cut which would signify a break in the progress of the characters and disturb the smooth transition achieved by using dissolves.

In the sequence we see Radha’s past life, her lost husband, the progress and development of her children and finally we come to the present: ““villagers don’t abandon the land of your birth….” Sung by Radha after the village has been destroyed by floods. In the song Radha begs the villagers to stay and work on the land. Radha cannot leave as she is certain her husband will return to her. The character of Radha is ‘Mother India’. She is the land and the harvest – she gives and finally takes life.

In the beginning of the sequence we see Radha feeding the children with some roots she had gathered, this dissolves to a field, flooded, and an early morning sky. She is approached by villagers to leave, but refuses. We see a cut to her face against a clear sky and is singled out. Here Mehboob uses dissolves to create a rhythm of visuals – we see Radha looking at the villagers, a superimposition of her head on the villagers leaving, her head is the sky – she is both the sky and the earth. At this point she is visually separated from the villagers. These shots of her clearly involve the symbolism of Soviet posters.  This slowly dissolves to the villagers who turn back and she is surrounded by them, becoming a part of them and they work together to clear the land. Radha is at one and the same time the poorest and least significant member of the community and symbolically its leading figure.

There has been progress, the family has bought an Ox, so Radha does not need to push the plough – nevertheless she is there in the field, feeding her sons as they work and not eating herself, depicting motherly love and self-sacrifice. The villagers in unity plough the land, with fast and hard cutting we quickly move to the harvest time. Mehboob takes us to the wheel and a flashback. Again we see poster like images. Radha and Shamu (her husband) are together again, dissolves are used to set the rhythm, Radha holding the millet, becoming a symbol of fertility. Several shots of men and women in the fields holding axes and sickles, becoming moving posters – Mehboob takes us back to the wheel, back to the future, again we see poster like images, new relationships being formed.

The suggested ‘leadership’ of the village is Radha holding the millet backed by her sons with the villagers in the background and a dissolve to the map of India at Harvest time, with the millet in the middle of the map representing the heart of India. Here Mehboob’s political stand becomes clear that of a Congress Party supporter. Mehboob helped to propagate political ideology and the famous songs of the Congress Party “the village is India and India is the village”, which in the 1970’s was grotesquely echoed when “Indira” became India and India became “Indira”. Ironically Sunil Dutt who played Birju, one of Radha’s son’s also became a successful political with the Congress Party (and was also married to Nargis).

In the final dissolve to the village we see more circular motions. We finally come back to reality at the end of the sequence by the arrival of the moneylender, suggesting inevitable suffering and hardship.

Clearly Mehboob has portrayed and reinforced the status and ideological image of womanhood, fixing it within the tradition of the sub-continent: “a virtuous village woman who faces extreme hardship so that her family can survive in dignity. In the character of Radha we see strength, determination, devotion and virtue. Radha becomes a model of the mother figure for the entire village because of her courage and sense of honour. Mother India is also important for its portrayal of the tribulations of rural life”. Channel Four publicity for their Indian Cinema season in the 1980’s.

We see one of several shots suggesting unity, a unity of men and women, but only on the fields; of men and women walking parallel in the Mela (village fair). At the Mela we see more wheels. The Mela here represents collective and individual happiness and celebrations. In the Mela, Shamu and Radha are walking around with the children. Radha walks directly under a plough and Shamu walks ahead and stops to stroke a bull, signifying the loss and hardship to come.

In an extraordinary dissolve, a generation passes. Mehboob uses dissolves to move time forward. Radha is pulling the plough helped by her infant sons. We see the transition in time when Radha falls down and the children rise from the earth as adults lifting Radha up. The roles are reversed; she is no longer the provider and supporter. Mehboob uses music to suggest triumph – overcoming hardships. Again Mehboob uses dissolves to suggest the shift in seasons and the continuity/solidness in the relationships. Through a series of dissolves, the sequence capitalises on the wheel as a symbol of time.

*The concept of pictorisation – 1) not an interruption of action, it compliments the action 2) can provide an emotional gloss on the narrative, a subjective point of view, which cannot be contained within the narrative

This article first appeared as an essay in 1987 as part of Film and Video degree at LCP – Essay year 1 – Term 2: “analyse the relation between cinematic (mise-en-scene, editing, lighting, framing etc) and meaning in a sequence from a film of your choice”.  

Though he is one month late in getting his rice crop planted because he has been repairing storm damage, Ko Nyi Thaut, 53 will plant his rice this week.

This will be the first planting since May and, with luck, will yield the only rice this summer.

He has only managed to get about two-thirds of the land ready so his crop will be less than usual.
“If the weather is good and we are lucky, I think we could get about two-thirds of what we had before,” he said.

“It would not have been enough for my family if we still had 11 people. But the cyclone killed six of my children, so maybe we will have enough rice for the family now.”

The government, a repressive military junta, turned away much of the international aid sent to assist the refugees.  Aid workers believe the government didn't welcome their outsiders eyes and ability to freely tell the truth.

Now aid workers are saying the government is not helping its people much at all.

It is essential for farmers to get their crop planted.

The May 2-3 cyclone left destruction in its path,  killing 84,537 and leaving 53,836 missing and presumed dead, according to an official count.

Ko Nyi Thaut, 53, who lost six of his children to the cyclone, explains the need for him to rush working in the rice field in order for his remaining three children and wife to survive in this July 6, 2008 photo in the Irrawaddy Delta in Myanmar. (AP photo)

An Associated Press report on Myanmar included the following:
.

Many farmers have been quickly draining their land and removing fallen trees and other debris. But say they lack water buffaloes and plows, or have gone heavily into debt to buy fuel that has doubled in price. Families have lost not just their land but the fathers and sons who knew how to farm it.

“It doesn’t look good at all,” Ashley Clements of the World Vision aid group said by telephone from Myanmar. Many people will need food aid for “for the next few months and even for a year or so.”

In the cyclone’s immediate aftermath, the focus was on feeding and sheltering the estimated 2.4 million survivors.

Now the recovery effort turns to reviving livelihoods. It will be tall task considering some 2 million acres of rice paddy were submerged by the massive waves and 85 percent of seed stocks destroyed.

Experts said returning farmers to the fields is a priority because of the threat of worsening food shortages. In 1988, demonstrations against Myanmar’s military junta over rice prices and other issues ended in heavy bloodshed.

The U.N.’s World Food Program has provided 20,000 tons of food aid to 733,000 cyclone survivors and sees the number in need growing to 924,000. But even after the rice is harvested in October, it expects to continue feeding as many as 300,000 survivors for another year.

“Normally, we try and avoid giving out food at harvest time,” said Tony Banbury, the WFP regional director in Bangkok. But this time it’s different because of the loss of animals, land or a family head who “may have left behind a wife and four kids but she doesn’t have the skills to immediately pick up farming.”

Myanmar officials say only about 30 percent of affected fields have been planted, while the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization acknowledged that 75 percent of farmers lack sufficient seed, with little time left before the planting season ends in August.

The FAO’s Mona Chaya in Myanmar said she expected yields to be down 20 percent from previous years. “It will take at least two more seasons with proper inputs to get the rice production back to normal in the delta,” she said in an e-mail interview.

Many fields are empty, flooded or littered with yellow rice shoots killed by salty water.

Nyunt Wai, a 53-year-old from the village War Yone Sake, angrily ticked off the woes that are slowing efforts to replant his fields: no money for fertilizer, fields still stained with salt water, crabs washed in from the storm that eat his rice seeds.

“We have to start from zero again,” he said. “I don’t expect any help from the government. They are helpless.”

Ko Nyi Thaut said he is driven by the imperative of feeding what’s left of his family.

“My wife and my three surviving children are all I have now,” he said. “I won’t let them die of starvation … If I miss this season, they will not have rice for another year.”

El ministro birmano de Asuntos Exteriores, Nyan Win, había informado por la televisión estatal, tras una reunión con la comunidad diplomática y a representantes de la ONU, que la cifra de víctimas mortales por el ciclón puede llegar a las 10.000 personas, sobre todo en las dos divisiones más afectadas, Irrawaddy y Yangon, ambas cercanas al delta del río Irrawaddy. La televisión estatal había dado ayer un balance de 4.000 muertos y cerca de 3.000 desaparecidos.

Dada la dimensión de la catástrofe, la Junta birmana ha aceptado la ayuda humanitaria de la ONU. Responsables del Programa Mundial de Alimentos se reunieron este lunes en Yangon con miembros del Gobierno y han obtenido una "prudente luz verde" para enviar ayuda y personal. La acción de los trabajadores de agencias humanitarias está muy limitada en Myanmar, ya que desde 2006, la Junta exige permisos de viaje y otros trámites para el personal humanitario, al tiempo que limitó el transporte de suministros y otros materiales.

La ONU, Estados Unidos, la Unión Europea (UE) y otros países ofrecieron ayer su ayuda a Birmania (Myanmar) para auxiliar a las víctimas. El secretario general de las Naciones Unidas, Ban Ki-moon, mostró ayer su tristeza por la pérdida de vidas y ha ratificado la disposición del organismo multilateral de ofrecer toda la ayuda necesaria. Estados Unidos, por su parte, ha abierto un fondo de ayuda a través del Programa Mundial de Alimentos y de otras agencias, mientras que fuentes de la Comunidad Europea han informado de que estaban a la espera de conocer las necesidades en Birmania para empezar a entregar asistencia.

Singapur, Tailandia, India y otros países de la región y de los demás continentes también han ofrecido su solidaridad a los birmanos.

The Mirror, Vol. 12, No. 570

“Phnom Penh: From year to year, there are more and more traffic accidents which led to an emergency alert about this catastrophe that is more devastating than AIDS and mines' accidents. During the first six months of 2008, the total number of traffic accidents was 3,511 which killed 903 people; it increased 17%, compared to the same period of the first six month of 2007.

“According to a report from Lieutenant-Colonel Luy Chhin, who heads a road traffic office - General Trey Pho Khan of the Department of Public Order of the Ministry of Interior confirmed this report - which also Khmer Sthapana received on 21 July 2008, the number of traffic accidents of all the 24 provinces and towns increased markedly.

“The report shows that during the first six months of 2008, there were 3,511 traffic accidents countrywide, which killed 903 people – 705 male and 198 female; the number of accidents increased by 519, equal to 17% more, compared to the same period of 2007, when there were 2,992 accidents and only 724 people died. The 3,511 traffic accidents resulted in 903 deaths, 2,856 seriously injured people, 3,390 lightly injured people, the destruction of 306 heavy vehicles, among them 1,154 cars, 3,646 motorcycles, 305 other vehicles; 397 pedestrians were also affected.

“Major Suos Sokha, deputy director of the vehicle registration management office, and of the department for the registration of boats and ships of the Ministry of Interior, reported to Khmer Sthapana on 21 July 2008 the reasons that lead to the increase of traffic accidents in the first six months of 2008: these are driving in violation of traffic laws with 1,560 cases, riding motorcycles without helmets with 778 cases, not obeying priority traffic rights with 502 cases, driving while being drunk with 439 cases, speed racing with each other with 349 cases, and 261 cases of careless driving etc…

“It should be noted that the statistics of road traffic accidents in 2007 countrywide, report 5,870 cases which caused 1,434 deaths, 1,121 males and 313 females were killed; 4,860 people were seriously injured, 5,540 people were lightly injured, 528 heavy vehicles, 1,871 cars, 5,607 motorcycles, and 444 different vehicles were destroyed, and US$2,699,784 was wasted.” Khmer Sthapana, Vol.1, #55, 22.7.2008

Newspapers Appearing on the Newsstand:
Tuesday, 22 July 2008

Chakraval, Vol.16, #2795, 22.7.2008

• As the First Step of Negotiations, Thailand Requested Cambodia to Withdraw the Troops from the Land They Presently Control; the ASEAN President [Mr. George Yeo - simplified Chinese: 杨荣文; traditional Chinese: 楊榮文; pinyin: Yáng Róngwén - Singaporean Foreign Minister and at present ASEAN Chair*] Asked Both Sides to Be Patient and Solve the Dispute Based on Good Relations; the Situation of Having Deployed Troops on Both Sides of the Border at the Preah Vihear Temple Is Still Tense

* “The ASEAN Standing Committee, under the Chairmanship of the Foreign Minister of the country-in-chair, is mandated to coordinate the work of the Association in between the annual ASEAN Ministerial Meetings.”

Kampuchea Thmey, Vol.7, #1699, 22.7.2008

• The 41st ASEAN Ministerial Meeting Was Held in Singapore [discussing the border dispute between Cambodia and Thailand, evaluating the destruction by the Nargis tropical cyclone in Burma, and talking about the integration of ASEAN constitutions, and about regional security – 21 July 2008]
• Three People Were Arrested by Military Police after Chopping a Leader of Workers to Death [after losing money to the victim while gambling – Ratanakiri]
• Ms. Su Kyi Will Be Released Soon [Military Junta of Myanmar informed the ASEAN members that the opposition leader, Ms. Aung San Su Kyi, might be released in about six months]

Khmer Sthapana, Vol.1, #55, 22.7.2008

• In the First Six Months of 2008, There Were 3511 Traffic Accidents and 903 People Died
• The Thai Side Requests Cambodia to Accept Three Principles [during the negotiations on 21 July 2008: 1. Thailand requested Cambodia to withdraw its troops, and Thailand will also withdraw its troops to avoid an armed confrontation. 2. The benefits from the Preah Vihear Temple should be handled as a joint operation, from which Cambodia gets 60% and Thailand gets 40% 3. Cambodia and Thailand should cooperate with each other to clear mines from the Preah Vihear Temple region and from other surrounding areas together]
• US$2,000 Announced Reward to Be Given to Anyone Who Provides Information That Leads to the Arrest of the Criminal Who Abducted a [Swedish] Girl from Her Mother [the six-year-old girl, Alicia, has been abducted by her father, Torgeir Nordbø, from Sweden, when he visited her; he is believed to be hiding in Cambodia]
• [Fishery] Crimes During Prohibited No-Fishing Season Increase [Siem Reap]

Koh Santepheap, Vol.41, #66403, 22.7.2008

• Obama Promises to Withdraw Army from Iraq If He Wins the Election [but he will send 10,000 more troops to Afghanistan to defeat the Taliban]

Moneaksekar Khmer, Vol.15, #3518, 22.7.2008

• [Former Khmer Rough Leader] Khiev Samphan Still Has No New Defense Lawyer

Rasmei Kampuchea, Vol.16, #4647, 22.7.2008

• Police Are Deployed at Gold and Money Exchange Shops because of Security Concerns [Banteay Meanchey]
• Five Outstanding Cambodian Students Went to Take Part in the International Mathematical Olympiad in Vietnam

Samleng Yuvachun Khmer, Vol.15, #3365, 22.7.2008

• Japan Sends 23 Election Observers for Sunday 27 July 2008
• Neak Loeang Electricity Company Still Charges Riel 3,200 [approx. US$0.80] per Kilowatt [in Phnom Penh the price is Riel 610, approx. US$0.15 per kw]

Click here - and have a look at the last editorial - The Cambodian-Thai border crisis develops while the Khmer public is not aware what the Cambodian government representatives had agreed upon, to get the Preah Vihear Temple listed as a World Heritage Site, on a most narrowly defined piece of land.


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DO YOU REMEMBER THAT COMMITMENT ?

Too hot to be outside? Tired of playing video games? Here's your weekend reading, from Africa to Peru, to the Philippines, to Iceland & even Fiji. Enjoy!

Gold Rush Spells Doom to Yaeda

Just a few weeks after the Arabian hunting firm officially pulled out of Yaeda, a new monster is reported to have moved into the vast valley and intends to unleash even worse destruction.

The vast untamed land had since creation been home to a number of indigenous tribes among them the rapidly shrinking population of the Hadza (Singular Hadzabe) bush people.

When a Disastrous Regime Continues

The devastating cyclone Nargis that struck southern Burma two months ago, has revealed to the world that it was even less disastrous than its military regime, which can ignore its own people in urgent needs and even could prevent and restrict relief from international communities for the hundred thousand victims of the disaster with the apprehension that it might create an atmosphere for another people's uprising in the country.

More than 100 Arrested

LIMA – More than 100 people were arrested Wednesday at the start of a nationwide general strike in Peru over the rising cost of living and other grievances, the National Police chief said.

Support for the strike, which has been declared illegal by the Labor Ministry, has been more widespread in the interior, where a 48-hour agrarian protest is being carried out and demonstrations are being staged in a dozen regions to press for the redress of local grievances.

Protesters say that García's free-market economic model has failed to bring the benefits of a recent economic boom to the large number of low-income Peruvians.

Maguindanao, RP Fall Behind Key Indicators for Education

Achieving universal primary education is one of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) that the Philippines has committed itself to achieve by 2015. In its midterm progress report on the MDGs that was released last year, however, the government conceded that this was one of the goals it was unlikely to meet seven years from now.

The Polar Bear Express

So how are those beasts of the Arctic getting there? They are known to unwittingly hitch a ride from nearby Greenland on chunks of sea ice that drift to Iceland’s northern coast. There are over 600 documented cases of polar bears dropping by for a visit, and already this year two bears have made it to Iceland.

Our Future in Obama's World Must be to Solve Putnam's Problem

IT became a shibboleth of sociological truisms after the 20th century’s Second World War that every society in the world benefits by being racially, ethnically, culturally diverse. Multiculturalism, multiracialism are seen as societal barometers of progress and strength. No society has embodied this truism more than the United States.

That was then. At the dawn of this 21st century, new research by Harvard political scientist, Robert Putnam, seemingly challenges this shibboleth. Putnam’s work and findings are based on interviews with almost 30,000 of his fellow Americans. Through their confessions and admissions, Putnam found that ‘the greater the diversity in a community, the fewer people vote and the less they volunteer, the less they give to charity and work on community projects’. Indeed, ‘in the most diverse communities, neighbours trust one another about half as much as they do in the most homogenous settings’. According to one report, Putnam’s study is ‘the largest ever on civic engagement in America’ and the outcome that ‘virtually all measures of civic health are lower in more diverse settings’ has certainly unsettled the orthodoxies of integrationism, multiracialism and multiculturalism that have so long been taken for granted as evidenced in metaphors of ‘the melting pot’ and the ‘salad bowl’ and so on.

Bien souvent ce n'est guère qu'au sujet d'Aung San Suu Kyi et du Triangle d'Or que l'on entend parler de la Birmanie dans les médias. Après le passage du cyclone Nargis, la catastrophe naturelle qui a frappé le pays en mai 2008 et fait près de 134.000 morts et disparus, les frontières de la Birmanie restent encore fermées, pendant que plus d’un million de sinistrés n’auraient toujours reçu aucune aide ni du gouvernement birman ni de l’étranger. Les militaires refusent catégoriquement toute aide humanitaire internationale. Depuis, la Birmanie a été grandement exposée dans les médias et a suscité beaucoup de questionnements concernant la gouvernance de la junte militaire. Pour mieux comprendre la situation actuelle, ce billet traitera l’histoire récente du pays et l’idéologie du régime en place.

Suite au massacre de près de 3000 personnes par les militaires durant la révolte populaire (mieux connue sous le nom « 8.8.88 » ), au coup d’État en 1988 et pour s’assurer la stabilité et diminuer toute possibilité de soulèvement populaire, le SLORC annonce en mai 1990 la tenue d'élections. Contrairement à toute attente, le vote s’est déroulé très librement et sans fraude. La National League for Democracy (NLD) d'Aung San Suu Kyi remporte une victoire écrasante, en obtenant 392 des 485 sièges de l'assemblée, un désastre pour le SLORC qui obtient à peine une dizaine de sièges dans la nouvelle assemblée (Courdy 2004). Malgré cette victoire du NLD, le SLORC refuse de céder le pouvoir et continue de gouverner sous le régime de la loi martiale et assigne Aung San Suu Kyi à résidence, ce qui est encore sa situation aujourd'hui. En 1997, le SLORC entreprend un remaniement et prend le nom de SPDC, mais l'équipe au pouvoir reste globalement la même, avec le général Than Shwe à sa tête.

La Birmanie est dépourvue de constitution depuis que le SLORC a abrogé celle de 1974 lors de sa prise de pouvoir en 1988. Dès lors, le pays vit une crise politico-institutionnelle (Boissier 2007.) La junte militaire contrôle à elle seule les pouvoirs exécutif, législatif et judiciaire, elle a aussi changé le nom du pays de la Birmanie au Myanmar sous prétexte que la première appellation correspondait uniquement aux Birmans proprement dits, à l’exclusion des diverses minorités ethniques. Ce changement de nom n’a véritablement rien changé à la réalité des minorités ethniques qui sont marginalisées et qui ont subi plusieurs déportations qui rentrent dans le cadre du programme de birmanisation. Ce programme a pour but de définir les principes de base d’une culture nationale unifiée et justifie selon la junte la répression des minorités qui ne veulent pas s’assimiler.

L'idéologie de la junte repose fondamentalement sur un nationalisme xénophobe et un refus catégorique des influences extérieures, à la fois extérieures au système politique en place (l'opposition) et extérieures à la Birmanie (l'étranger, et surtout l'Occident). À ce refus des valeurs occidentales est associé un recours à l'asiatisme comme valeur de référence. Cette pensée est très bien illustrée par une citation du lieutenant-général Khin Nyunt, l'une des principales figures de la junte jusqu'à son éviction en octobre 2004 :  «nous ne tolérerons aucune interférence étrangère. Seuls les Birmans aiment vraiment la Birmanie. Aucun étranger n’aimera jamais la Birmanie. Tout cela est très clair, il faut y songer quand des étrangers disent qu’ils aiment la Birmanie» (Buhrer Levenson 2000).

C’est la xénophobie dont nous avons parlé plus haut qui serait derrière le refus de l’aide humanitaire internationale, mais aussi la crainte de la junte à ce que les membres des ONG et les journalistes rapportent les situations politique, économique et sociale désastreuses que vit la Birmanie. Par ailleurs, si le régime accepte d’aider une partie de la population et pas les autres c’est parce que ceux qui sont aidés soutiennent le pouvoir ou sont proches de celui-ci. Tandis que les autres sont punis faute de le faire.

---
Références

Buhrer, Jean-Claude et Claude B Levenson. 2000. Aung San Suu Kyi, demain la Birmanie. Arles : Éditions Philippe Picquier

Courdy, Jean-Claude. 2004. Birmanie (Myanmar) La mosaique inachevée. Paris : Éditions Belin.

Olivier, Boissier. 1997. « Birmanie : crise, dictature et réaction de la communauté internationale ». Étude réalisée dans le cadre des travaux de la comission Urgence et post-crise du Haut Conseil de la coopération international.

"Todavía es pronto para evaluar esas secuelas, pero no cabe duda de que jamás volverán a ser como antes", señaló a Efe el jefe de la representación de UNICEF en Birmania (Myanmar), el nepalí Ramesh Shrestha.

Al referirse a un suceso tan repentino y devastador, Shrestha explicó: "Perdieron todo en cuestión de minutos, fue tan terrible que incluso muchos adultos ahora tienen pánico a unas gotas de lluvia".

Según los psicólogos, un hecho así deja una herida irreparable en la mente del pequeño, que puede tardar años en cicatrizar e incluso impedirle ser capaz de relacionarse de forma normal con su entorno u otras personas.

Algunos de los primeros síntomas son apatía, desorientación y pérdida de memoria, pero deben persistir en el tiempo para poder ser considerados señales inequívocas de un trauma.

Por ejemplo, un hijo cuyos padres fallecen por una enfermedad tiene suficiente tiempo para digerir la pérdida, que además no viene acompañada de la destrucción del hogar y de la muerte de hermanos o amigos, detalló Shrestha.

Cerca de un tercio de los 134.000 muertos o desaparecidos por el Nargis fueron menores, según datos de Naciones Unidas, pero dado que en muchos pueblos la fuerza de la tormenta fue tal envergadura, que sólo sobrevivieron los hombres adultos.

En aquellas zonas del delta del río Irrawaddy a las que ha podido tener acceso la organización, sus cooperantes recogieron a todos los niños abandonados, a los que trasladaron a centros de acogida especiales habilitados en colegios o edificios gubernamentales.

Allí, personal especializado de UNICEF les ofrece juguetes y otros pasatiempos hasta que llegue el momento en que estén suficientemente preparados para iniciar el proceso de búsqueda de familiares.

Muchos pequeños vagaron durante días por arrozales inundados y llenos de cadáveres de personas y animales hasta que fueron encontrados por las autoridades.

"Pero son niños, tampoco pudieron llegar muy lejos, por lo que no les alejamos mucho del lugar donde fueron encontrados, con la esperanza de que puedan reconocer la cara de algún familiar entre los supervivientes", explicó.

El funcionario de UNICEF admitió que los problemas para llegar a las zonas más afectadas les han impedido comenzar hasta ahora con la iniciativa, pero lo harán en cuanto resuelvan la necesidad todavía más apremiante de asistir a comunidades enteras del extremo suroeste del delta, cuya suerte se desconoce desde hace ya más tres semanas.

UNICEF negocia ahora con las autoridades birmanas, que quieren enviar a los niños a sus aldeas si éstas siguen en pie, la posibilidad de dejarles bajo su cargo durante un tiempo más, para supervisar más de cerca la progresión de los pequeños.

La agencia de la ONU tiene en estos momentos una notable carencia de trabajadores sociales locales suficientemente cualificados como para tratar a los niños, que necesitan unos cuidados que no pueden darles con los recursos actuales.

"Es muy difícil encontrar a birmanos que estén dispuestos a ir a aquel lugar y tengan los conocimientos necesarios para cumplir esta labor, nos cuesta mucho reclutar a gente en Rangún", se lamentó Shrestha.

Aseguró que los pequeños se encuentran bien de salud, están alimentados de forma adecuada, y tienen un techo en los centros de acogida, pero su problema es más serio y se agravará con el tiempo si no reciben atención constante durante las próximas semanas.

Cuando comiencen de nuevo las clases tras las vacaciones del verano en Birmania, el objetivo es crear centros de educación particulares para los huérfanos, dirigidos por profesores con formación especializada en gestión traumas psicológicos infantiles.

De resultar exitoso el programa, será un excelente banco de pruebas para calibrar las respuestas de los niños y estudiar su evolución de cara a futuras situaciones de emergencia, señaló.

UNICEF, presente en el país desde 1950, antes de que tomaran el poder los militares, ha sido la primera organización en obtener el permiso de las autoridades birmanas para enviar a sus cooperantes extranjeros al delta, tras el compromiso arrancado hace dos días al régimen por el secretario general de la ONU, Ban Ki-moon.

Conforme nos adentramos en el canal, el olor se hace más denso. Se trata de un paraje desolador poblado de ramas caídas, barcos partidos por la mitad y encallados en el barro y muchos búfalos de agua flotando inmensos e inertes sobre las aguas marrones.

Del número de fallecidos o desaparecidos por el ciclón Nargis en las ciudades más importantes del delta se tienen datos provisionales: en Labutta, 15.000; en Bogalay, 10.000; en Pyapon, 5.000. Pero se desconoce todavía cuántos muertos se han producido en esta área con multitud de poblaciones a lo largo de los canales, a las que sólo se puede acceder por barca y donde la Junta Militar ha prohibido hasta ahora el acceso a las organizaciones de ayuda internacional y a los extranjeros.

Arrastrados por la corriente

"En Kan Daung murieron unas 300 personas a causa del ciclón", se expresa con dificultad el único joven del pueblo de unos 3.500 habitantes que habla algo de inglés. "No reconocemos los cuerpos que flotan cerca de Kan Daung porque los ha traído la corriente desde otros lugares". Y ahí siguen.

Bruno es un joven canadiense de 20 años que llegó a Birmania como turista y tras el ciclón se ha convertido en periodista para un canal de televisión y -cuando la ocasión lo permite- en voluntario. Pidió a sus amigos en Canadá que le ingresaran dinero en su cuenta para transportar alimentos y agua embotellada a las poblaciones del delta abandonadas a su suerte, aunque nunca se imaginó que ayudar pudiera ser un motivo de tensión con los militares. Público le acompañó en su viaje.

"Tengo en mi pasaporte los visados para ir a China y Bangladesh, pero después de esta experiencia creo que volveré a Montreal. Necesito estar cerca de mis amigos y mi familia", explica el joven, que estudia Relaciones Internacionales en Asia.

El canadiense ha hecho acopio de arroz, vegetales y agua en un mercado de Rangún, la capital económica del país donde se ha recuperado cierta normalidad. Cuando se dispone a pagar los plátanos, la vendedora le hace un descuento al descubrir el destino de la fruta. "Así también realizo mi pequeña donación", aclara.

Durante el trayecto en coche hasta Pyapon salimos airosos de varios controles militares gracias a las explicaciones que les ofrece Kimh, un taxista originario de la localidad de Mogo, en el norte del país.

"Mi hijo de nueve años me pregunta por qué el Gobierno birmano no deja que entre ayuda desde el exterior. Incluso un niño se da cuenta de lo absurdo de la situación", señala Kimh.

Cuando le pregunto cómo sabe su hijo que la Junta Militar está obstaculizando la llegada de ayuda internacional, el taxista de 45 años responde que "escucha la BBC o La Voz de América", como su padre y muchos otros birmanos que desconfían de las informaciones ofrecidas por los medios de comunicación estatales "que sólo cuentan cosas buenas".

Al poner un pie en Kau Dang, un lugareño con aliento a alcohol intenta hacerse con los alimentos para él y su familia, pero de pronto hace su aparición un soldado con un fusil colgado al hombro y le hace gestos violentos. Kimh nos aclara que hay tres extranjeros más atrapados en el pueblo. Resultan ser periodistas americanos que nos advierten de que nos marchemos inmediatamente porque creen que es peligroso.

Otros seis soldados protegen Kau Dang, a pesar de que no hay prácticamente nada en la localidad aparte de las casas sin techos y el arroz que no se ha podrido tras el paso del ciclón. Los soldados nos acusan de que la ayuda no es más que una excusa y nos amenazan con que no nos dejarán ir hasta que un superior se haga cargo de la situación, traduce Kimh sudoroso.

Mano izquierda

Con mucha paciencia y mano izquierda, el taxista trata con los soldados y miembros del USDA, una organización civil birmana que se dedica a informar al Gobierno de las actividades subversivas de sus compatriotas y que se muestran aún más recelosos que los soldados.

Tras una tensa espera, el taxista dice que "gracias al cesto con comida y al agua" nos podemos ir. También dejan que se marchen los otros periodistas, quienes llevan más de tres horas atrapados en la localidad.

Aunque algunas ONG como Swiss Aid, que operan a pequeña escala en Rangún, acaban de recibir el visto bueno de los generales para actuar en más zonas, queda por ver que sea definitivo.

Con el arroz echado a perder y sin atreverse a pescar en unas aguas donde flotan cadáveres, las decenas de miles de fallecidos, los 3.000 niños que se han quedado huérfanos, los habitantes de los canales del delta del Irawadi están absolutamente abandonados. Eso sí, bien protegidos de quien quiera ir a ayudarlos.

La represión contra cualquier vestigio de oposición ahoga al país más grande del sudeste asiático, que junto a Laos y Tailandia conforma el llamado 'triángulo de oro' del cultivo mundial de opio y fabricación de heroína blanca. Además, Birmania es también escenario de la violación sistemática de los derechos de los grupos étnicos minoritarios. Miles de civiles son 'reclutados' por el Ejército para realizar trabajos forzosos en plantaciones, en la construcción de carreteras o para servir de porteadores o mensajeros, según denuncia desde hace varios años la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT).

Aung San Suu Kyi es la cabeza visible de la oposición al régimen mianma desde finales de los 80, cuando los birmanos despertaron del 'letargo' mantenido durante los 26 años de dictadura del general Ne Win y su partido único, el omnipresente BSPP (Partido Birmano del Programa Socialista). Casi tres décadas después del golpe de Estado de 1962, la política de nacionalizaciones y aislamiento de la «vía birmana al socialismo» de Ne Win había convertido a uno de los países más ricos y prósperos de Asia en uno de los más pobres del mundo. La insostenible situación económica fue el detonante de las protestas prodemocráticas que en marzo de 1998 empezaron a brotar de las universidades.

La dimisión de Ne Win, en julio, y la designación de su sucesor —uno de los máximos responsables del aparato represivo del régimen— avivaron aún más la revuelta. Las actuaciones del Ejército para aplastar la rebelión dejaron una fecha dramática para la Historia: el 8 de agosto de 1988 centenares de estudiantes

mueren víctimas de la brutal represión contra los manifestantes en las calles de Rangún.

La necesidad de frenar la fiebre revolucionaria lleva a los militares a anunciar la celebración de elecciones libres. Pero el régimen no esperaba una derrota en las urnas. Aunque la NLD logró 396 de los 485 escaños del Parlamento, l

os militares se aferraron al poder y se negaron a transferir el gobierno hata que se redactara una nueva Constitución, siempre bajo su aprobación. Los diputados electos de la NLD constituyeron un gobierno en el exilio.

El resto del mundo empezó a tomar conciencia de lo que ocurría en Birmania cuando Suu Kyi recibió, en 1991, el Nobel de la Paz. Para entonces, la hija del general

Aung San, popular héroe de la independencia birmana, llevaba dos años bajo un arresto domiciliario que aún duraría hasta julio de 1995. Vigilada siempre de cerca por el régimen —que durante años ha intentado forzar su exilio voluntario—, volvería a estar detenida entre septiembre de 2000 y junio de 2002. Entonces, al igual que tras su primera liberación, surgieron nuevas esperanzas de avanzar en el diálogo para la reconciliación nacional. Pero la realidad es que nada nada ha

cambiado en Birmania.

La represión política continúa a la orden del día y, en mayo de 2003, Suu Kyi fue detenida de nuevo y retenida en prisión durante más de tres meses. En septiembre de 2003, la líder opositora comenzó una nueva etapa de arresto domiciliario —prolongado hasta hoy a pesar de las presiones de la comunidad internacional—. En su prisión particular, el 19 de junio de 2007 Suu Kyi celebró su 62 cum

pleaños.

El 20 de mayo de 2006, las autoridades birmanas permitieron el primer contacto internacional en tres años con la líder opositora, que se entrevistó con un enviado especial de Naciones Unidas. La noticia fue recibida con optimismo dentro y fuera de un país que volvió a sumirse enseguida en el olvido de la comunidad internacional.

Los birmanos logran que el mundo vuelva fijarse en ellos en septiembre de 2007: miles de monjes budistas se echan a la calle contra la Junta Militar. Lo que empezó

como una protesta de trabajadores y estudiantes contra la subida del precio del petróleo se convirtió en el grito desesperado de un país sometido a un gobierno ilegal y represivo que dura ya cuatro décadas y media. El Ejército ahogó con violencia la denominada 'Revolución del Azafrán' y los sueños de democracia quedaron en nada.

En mayo de 2008, el ciclón 'Nargis' azota aún más a la ya castigada población myanma. Más de 30.000 muertos (podrían ser 100.000, según Naciones Unidas), decenas desaparecidos y una incalculabe cantidad de personas que han podido perder sus casas vuelven a acaparar la atención de la comunidad internacional, mientras la Junta militar pone todo tipo de trabas a los cooperantes extranjeros y al reparto de la ayuda humanitaria llegada de todos los rincones del planeta.

Envisat captures Cyclone Nargis making its way across the Bay of Bengal just south of Myanmar on 1 May 2008, with its Medium Resolution Imaging Spectrometer (MERIS) instrument working in Reduced Resolution mode to deliver a spatial resolution of 1200 metres. (Credit: ESA)

On 4 May, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) asked the International Charter on 'Space and Major Disasters' for support. The initiative, referred to as ‘The Charter’, was founded in October 2000 by ESA, the French space agency (CNES) and the Canadian Space Agency (CSA). It is aimed at providing satellite data free of charge to those affected by disasters anywhere in the world.

With inundated areas typically visible from space, Earth Observation (EO) is increasingly being used for flood response and mitigation. One of the biggest problems during flooding emergencies is obtaining an overall view of the phenomenon, with a clear idea of the extent of the flooded area.

A series of Envisat radar images highlights the extent of flooding in the Irrawaddy delta caused by the cyclone. ASAR data are especially well suited for delivering information on floods, which are usually accompanied by rain and therefore cloudy conditions. Radar sensors can peer through clouds, rain or local darkness and are especially sensitive to moisture on the ground.

Mother India is a film about an Indian peasant family of Northern India, struggling to survive in a rural community and coming to terms with a newly independent country, freed by the British Colonial Rule. The film starts with a newly married couple, Radha (Nargis) and Shamu (Raj Kumar), who are married in a traditional style. The wedding was paid for by a loan raised by the groom's mother, from a typical, crooked money-lender Sukhi Lala (Kanhaiya Lal). Immediately after the wedding, the terms of the loan are revealed to the young couple. The conditions of the loan are disputed by the newly-weds but the Panchayat (village elders) rules in the lender's favor. Shamu and Radha are forced to forfeit 75% of their crop just as interest on the loan of 500 rupees. The couple tries to till more land to alleviate the hardship but in the process, Shamu's arms are crushed by a boulder. A crippled Shamu abandons his family in shame, leaving behind three small children and a young bride.

The theme of the film is the struggle of a single mother (Mother India), left helpless by the husband and the society in general. She fights the challenges of life with grit and honor. Two of her surviving sons grew up as Birju (Sunil Dutt) and Ramu (Rajendra Kumar). The story line is rooted in the soil of India and is easily identified by the masses. The performances of Nargis in particular and Sunil Dutt in general were of exceptional caliber. Mehboob Khan's direction was virtually perfect. The music of Naushad Ali was popular beyond expectations. I watched the film atleast a dozen times over the last 50 years and so did a lot of people in India.

“While his release from prison is welcome, as a peaceful activist and human rights defender, Tim Sakhorn should never have been imprisoned in the first place,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Sakhorn should now be able to go where he wants, when he wants, but it is not clear that he is able to do so.” [hrw]

There's a new passle of stories coming out of Burma, including stories (printed in FEER, even) that claim the entire country has become one big prison. Let's hope that's an overstatement, though recent actions by the government don't inspire confidence. Time magazine chooses an optimistic view of the situation, arguing that the government's actions have inspired "incremental" rises in opposition to the junta. The Wall Street Journal claims that the cyclone has resulted in an increase of Nat worship. [this would seem to be normal in times of crisis, at least in Cambodia, though we don't call them 'nats' there, and they might be configured differently. I wouldn't jump to the understanding that the Nats were unworshipped previously - they were worshipped - or that a significant long-term change has resulted in the religious sphere as a result of the cyclone]. Danny Fisher and New Mandala continue to aggregate and promote stories of wider interest.

In better news, iluvamaninauniform, the blog of pro-war, pro-Minerva and pro-HTS 'anthropologist' McFate, has disappeared, possible as the result of a sudden attack of conscience and humanity inspired by a confrontation between one of McFate's sock puppets and OpenAnthropology blogger Maximilian Forte on SavageMinds. Good Riddance.

I hesitate to call this last bit 'good news.' Although I have often dreamed of doing terrible things to Christopher Hitchens ever since he jumped on the pro-war, American Imperialist, "Islamo-fascist", pro-torture bandwagon, I would never have wanted to actually torture him. In an article months ago in Salon.com, Hitchens attempted to argue that waterboarding didn't actually constitute torture. Incensed readers suggested he try it himself. In what was possibly a stunning move of first-hand experiential journalism, a poorly-conceived publicity stunt, an attempt to recover his public soul by enduring a public catharsis, or some odd combination of all three, he did just that. And, in an article in Vanity Fair, complete with photos, and now a video, you can read and watch Hitchens get himself tortured by hooded veterans of U.S. Special Forces. Oh yes, Hitchens changed his mind, "Believe Me, It's Torture," he says. Indeed, the thing he seems most upset about is the constant description of waterboarding as simulated drowning. No, he insists, it is drowning.

On watching the video, I was struck by all the (important, necessary, and non-negotiable) safety words, warning signals, and the care and consideration given to Hitchens by his torturers. They were, indeed, very careful with him. And still, Hitchens insists that his extremely brief encounter with waterboarding was torture. He's right. Now imagine what it's like without the safety word, the paramedics, and dead man's bar, or the caring torturers. Let's hope Hitch has seen the light on other problems as well.

The world's attention will still be Burma for a short while, but it needs to happen now.

As a new Prime Minister Mr Howard established his regional credibility by leading the liberation of East Timor. His commitment carried him through the ensuing setbacks, including the potential risk of a long-term deployment of troops and the US declining to assist.

Standing alone Australia did the right thing but also a politically viable thing.

Now Mr Rudd is your opportunity to establish your own credibility on human rights in South East Asia. Lead now on Burma.

Before the last election you took the opportunity to publicly call for Australian-led international action against Burma:

I would call on Mr Howard’s Government to initiate a deeper round of action against the Burmese regime.

But you only mentioned that:

We need to embrace a full range of targeted financial sanctions against the regime and against individual members of that regime concerning personal financial transactions and concerning personal travel arrangements as well.

This might stop a few of the generals corruptly acquiring another Merc to drive around Yangon in, but it sure as heck wont topple the evil regime.

But I am sure you knew that.

Anyhow, now you are Prime Minister and the world's focus on Burma has been renewed after the junta's morally repugnant 'response' to Cyclone Nargis. And now over 138,000 people are dead, Mr Rudd, at the hands of these evil military dictators and their programme of genocide continues.

Some have even cynically suggested the junta was more than happy to 'help the cyclone along' because it happened to be killing the Delta's Karen population - the very same people the junta have actively trying to wipe out for decades anyway.

NGOs have been working to gain the attention of your Government but so far they are only getting responses from well-meaning backbenchers. If true leadership is going occur the process has to be run from your office.

Let us cut to the chase. Serious actions against Burma could be construed as a broadside against China. I understand and appreciate this as an obvious hesitation for you in moving from rhetoric to serious action.

But please consider the problem in this light. Howard managed to even send Australian troops into East Timor while maintaining a strong and constructive relationship with Indonesia. Freeing Burma and maintaining good relations with China are not mutually exclusive. Its going to require some diplomatic acrobatics but you're the consummate diplomat.

Listen to your ally Gareth Evans, heed the international community's "responsibility to protect" in critical instances, and start the process. Talk seriously to your new international friends. Let's get the ball rolling on actually toppling this evil regime.

Thanks again for all the support from back home. Our third shipment of medicines (antimalarials and antibiotics) will be leaving for the Delta in the next few days, but more about that soon.

Deedar may not be the prettiest, but she is undeniably the most fittest babe on the Pakistani mujra circuit. She has the conditioned body of an olympic athlete with defined abs, a tiny waist and a gymnast's butt. But if she were in 'civilian clothes', you could walk past her in Jinnah Super and she'd so... blend, that you wouldn't even know she was there.

Deedar and her sister, Nargis, along with a handful of others rule the dance circuit in Pakistan and do regular shows abroad. The sisters have made waves across the land. They have been picked-up by the police, banned by the Govt, shamed by the media and everything in between. But they always manage to stage a come back, by popular demand. These stage performers are borne out of necessity, surrounded in a sea of hypocrisy and celebrated in quasi-secrecy. Instead of celebrating beauty, sex-appeal and art we have wrapped the female form in shame, neglect and abuse. Is it any wonder why we have so many confused and raging nuts, running around the place.

Deedar is young, vibrant, healthy and charismatic, with a keen business sense. The sisters don't live in the Diamond Alley, with roaches and men with mustaches that resemble roaches. They live in posh localities, drive around in SUVs and take vacations abroad.

Before she gets old and saggy, she will likely have nabbed a feudal lord (or a cricket star with a big head and loose lips) and had his kids. If one were to judge Deedar on her current fame and success in her chosen profession, she is arguably the Jenna Jameson of Pakistani stage (before Jenna married the jar head and became a living corpse). Here she is, at work. You gotta appreciate her work ethic.

About 40 years ago, Lew Kuan Yew’s word spread by radio around the world and this is roughly what he said, “I will develop Singapore like Rangoon”. My guide in Yangon, Mr. Auw (real name withheld for security reason) shared with me what his father told him about once the most beautiful city in Asia.

Mr. Auw also share with me the statement made by his 12 year-old kid recently, “General Aung San must be making a grave decision for fighting the independent from British for Myanmar”.

When he quizzed the child for making such statement, the child said this, “We are far better off under British, look at all those old colonial building and roads, the infrastructure, look at what we achieve today, we achieved nothing and life is so bad under our own ruler”.

Mr. Auw was left speechless yet he has to agree with his kid. “Our developments were far more systematic during the colonial time, but now, everything is in total disarray”.

Read the rest of the article at link below:

http://kickdefella.wordpress.com/2008/06/09/sheih-on-sheih-of-myanmar-and-abdullah/

A very good journey reporting for Nargis Cyclone by a Malaysian.  Kijang Care was recently formed and had a lot to be implemented in their long-way-to-go in humanitarian activities.  Good luck Bro!

Shahrul Peshawar, Kg. Baru